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Pašreiz BMWPower skatās 155 viesi un 13 reģistrēti lietotāji.
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Tēma: Notikumi pasaulē, EU/ASV,NATO u.tml.
| Autors | Ziņojums |
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Lafter  | | 06. Oct 2024, 22:25 |
#9901
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|  Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
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06 Oct 2024, 22:11:20 @DiksIrseejs rakstīja:
Tak priekšgājēju jau novāca un nekas īpašs nenotika.
Šeit, tas jau ir spļāviens sejā- pie tam atklāts 
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks |  Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 07. Oct 2024, 21:55 |
#9902
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
| Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks | | Offline | | |
| Samsasi | | 07. Oct 2024, 22:22 |
#9903
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|  Kopš: 01. Nov 2014
Ziņojumi: 4337
Braucu ar:
| Man liekas ka naudu prasa | | Offline | | |
| kkas | | 07. Oct 2024, 22:54 |
#9904
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|  Kopš: 22. Apr 2008
Ziņojumi: 9236
Braucu ar: zviedru ledusskapi
| Iemet palagu. | | Offline | | |
| user | | 08. Oct 2024, 00:06 |
#9905
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| Kopš: 12. May 2020
Ziņojumi: 13656
Braucu ar:
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07 Oct 2024, 21:55:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
Es ticu Lafteram  vins kateu dienu skatas 8h intervjjas un lasa 8h rakstus
Te es pasmejos, bet tas ir nopietni domats, jo hvz kursh vel tik daudz info savac par to visu - neviens.
Met palagu labak te  | | Offline | | |
| Mixzzz | | 08. Oct 2024, 12:32 |
#9906
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|  Kopš: 09. May 2013
No: Rīga
Ziņojumi: 2758
Braucu ar: e34 un e91 kuuc
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07 Oct 2024, 21:55:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
Hz kas tur rakstīts, bet es laikam hz vai gribu, lai tagad tur viss beidzās. Tad atkal varēsim domāt par to vai vatei būs ambīcijas šeit vai nē.[ Šo ziņu laboja Mixzzz, 08 Oct 2024, 12:33:34 ] | | Offline | | |
| Mikels | | 08. Oct 2024, 13:14 |
#9907
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|  Kopš: 28. Jan 2011
Ziņojumi: 4893
Braucu ar: cieņu
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07 Oct 2024, 21:55:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
Kāda jēga likt atsauci uz rakstu,ka neviens nevar to izlasīt.
Vai Tu speciāli iemeti maksas rakstu,lai Tev visi prasītu, Lafter iemet lūdzu šeit palagu, bet Tu varētu atbildēt, ka apsolījies,ka vairs nepublicēt na haļavu garos rakstus | | Offline | | |
Jonjis  | | 08. Oct 2024, 13:22 |
#9908
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|  Kopš: 06. Mar 2010
No: Rīga
Ziņojumi: 1467
Braucu ar:
| Caur šo redirect būtu jāstrādā.
https://t.co/xY8dzcCHsy
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BMW CCC,CIC,NBT,Evo remonts
Custom FSC (arī MGU), CarPlay.
ID4>ID5/6 hw+sw | | Offline | | |
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| Lafter | | 08. Oct 2024, 14:23 |
#9909
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
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08 Oct 2024, 13:14:40 @Mikels rakstīja:
07 Oct 2024, 21:55:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
Kāda jēga likt atsauci uz rakstu,ka neviens nevar to izlasīt.
Vai Tu speciāli iemeti maksas rakstu,lai Tev visi prasītu, Lafter iemet lūdzu šeit palagu, bet Tu varētu atbildēt, ka apsolījies,ka vairs nepublicēt na haļavu garos rakstus
Es taču reiz atbildēju. Palagu vairs nebūs. Gribat- lasiet un maksājiet. Kur problēma- linku ieliku uz avotu.
Jums kad viss par velti bija- bija slikti. Tagad slikti- jo gribi izlasīt, bet jāmaksā…
Dīvainas pretrunas  varbūt izlemiet, ko vēlaties?
P.s
Un to benzīntanku kāds satelītos var parādīt lūdzu
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks | | Offline | | |
| Elviss | | 08. Oct 2024, 14:25 |
#9910
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|  Kopš: 02. May 2006
Ziņojumi: 21959
Braucu ar: VAZ 2101 80'
| Slikti bija dažiem, ne jau vairumam.
Es bieži viņus neizlasu, bet man netraucē. Ir, kad lasu
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RT Translations | | Offline | | |
| Mikels | | 08. Oct 2024, 14:33 |
#9911
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| Kopš: 28. Jan 2011
Ziņojumi: 4893
Braucu ar: cieņu
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08 Oct 2024, 14:23:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
08 Oct 2024, 13:14:40 @Mikels rakstīja:
07 Oct 2024, 21:55:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
Kāda jēga likt atsauci uz rakstu,ka neviens nevar to izlasīt.
Vai Tu speciāli iemeti maksas rakstu,lai Tev visi prasītu, Lafter iemet lūdzu šeit palagu, bet Tu varētu atbildēt, ka apsolījies,ka vairs nepublicēt na haļavu garos rakstus
Es taču reiz atbildēju. Palagu vairs nebūs. Gribat- lasiet un maksājiet. Kur problēma- linku ieliku uz avotu.
Jums kad viss par velti bija- bija slikti. Tagad slikti- jo gribi izlasīt, bet jāmaksā…
Dīvainas pretrunas varbūt izlemiet, ko vēlaties?
P.s
Un to benzīntanku kāds satelītos var parādīt lūdzu
Nezinu, man nebija slikti, drīzāk pie vienas vietas vai kāds publicē palagu vai nē, bet likt atsauces uz rakstu, kur 99% powerā nevienam citam nav pieejas ir bezjedzīgi | | Offline | | |
| Mikels | | 08. Oct 2024, 14:33 |
#9912
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| Kopš: 28. Jan 2011
Ziņojumi: 4893
Braucu ar: cieņu
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08 Oct 2024, 14:23:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
08 Oct 2024, 13:14:40 @Mikels rakstīja:
07 Oct 2024, 21:55:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
Kāda jēga likt atsauci uz rakstu,ka neviens nevar to izlasīt.
Vai Tu speciāli iemeti maksas rakstu,lai Tev visi prasītu, Lafter iemet lūdzu šeit palagu, bet Tu varētu atbildēt, ka apsolījies,ka vairs nepublicēt na haļavu garos rakstus
Es taču reiz atbildēju. Palagu vairs nebūs. Gribat- lasiet un maksājiet. Kur problēma- linku ieliku uz avotu.
Jums kad viss par velti bija- bija slikti. Tagad slikti- jo gribi izlasīt, bet jāmaksā…
Dīvainas pretrunas varbūt izlemiet, ko vēlaties?
P.s
Un to benzīntanku kāds satelītos var parādīt lūdzu
Nezinu, man nebija slikti, es tāpat viņus nelasīju, drīzāk pie vienas vietas vai kāds publicē palagu vai nē, vari arī turpmāk nepublicēt, bet likt atsauces uz rakstu, kur 99% powerā nevienam citam nav pieejas ir bezjedzīgi [ Šo ziņu laboja Mikels, 08 Oct 2024, 16:12:10 ] | | Offline | | |
| Indo | | 08. Oct 2024, 15:57 |
#9913
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|  Kopš: 18. May 2002
No: Rīga
Ziņojumi: 5115
Braucu ar: Husky FC450 '15, CBF1000 '08, KTM Ark Minarelli 2T un lodāmuru pa plati
| @Lafter vajag izveidot topiku "Palagi", savukārt šeit likt linku uz to. 
| | Offline | | |
| uldens1 | | 08. Oct 2024, 16:03 |
#9914
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|  Kopš: 28. Feb 2008
Ziņojumi: 16058
Braucu ar:
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08 Oct 2024, 14:23:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
08 Oct 2024, 13:14:40 @Mikels rakstīja:
07 Oct 2024, 21:55:32 @Lafter rakstīja:
Šim vienošanās plānam pat ticu. Daļu atdod vatei un piemeklē abas puses apmierinošus nosacījumus.
Kāda jēga likt atsauci uz rakstu,ka neviens nevar to izlasīt.
Vai Tu speciāli iemeti maksas rakstu,lai Tev visi prasītu, Lafter iemet lūdzu šeit palagu, bet Tu varētu atbildēt, ka apsolījies,ka vairs nepublicēt na haļavu garos rakstus
Es taču reiz atbildēju. Palagu vairs nebūs. Gribat- lasiet un maksājiet. Kur problēma- linku ieliku uz avotu.
Jums kad viss par velti bija- bija slikti. Tagad slikti- jo gribi izlasīt, bet jāmaksā…
Dīvainas pretrunas varbūt izlemiet, ko vēlaties?
P.s
Un to benzīntanku kāds satelītos var parādīt lūdzu
Slikti jau bij tikai pārītim,es šad tad izlasīju,tie palagi bij daudz vērtīgāki nekā tie ibatlli,kas te jau 20 gadus notiek,kur katrs cenšas pierādīt savu pareizo viedokli | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 08. Oct 2024, 17:21 |
#9915
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
| Jebanutsa- gribēju palagu iemest- nehuja tur aizsardzība pret kopēšanu.
Jautājumu risinu- pacietību!
Domāju jau, kad poweru nogrāvu 
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks | | Offline | | |
| user | | 08. Oct 2024, 17:23 |
#9916
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| Kopš: 12. May 2020
Ziņojumi: 13656
Braucu ar:
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08 Oct 2024, 17:21:51 @Lafter rakstīja:
Jebanutsa- gribēju palagu iemest- nehuja tur aizsardzība pret kopēšanu.
Jautājumu risinu- pacietību!
Domāju jau, kad poweru nogrāvu
ej kaut kāda page source, inspect vai hvz kur un kopē! screenu raksti, bildē, filmē - tak neesi bērns | | Offline | | |
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| Lafter | | 08. Oct 2024, 17:27 |
#9917
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
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08 Oct 2024, 17:23:42 @user rakstīja:
08 Oct 2024, 17:21:51 @Lafter rakstīja:
Jebanutsa- gribēju palagu iemest- nehuja tur aizsardzība pret kopēšanu.
Jautājumu risinu- pacietību!
Domāju jau, kad poweru nogrāvu
ej kaut kāda page source, inspect vai hvz kur un kopē! screenu raksti, bildē, filmē - tak neesi bērns
Zinu. Visu laiku strādàja vienk copy/paste.
Tagad plec es ahujel! Viss linkos. Kamēr dabuju līdz dzēšanas pogai tur kilometru ritināju.
[ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 08 Oct 2024, 17:28:29 ]
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 08. Oct 2024, 17:35 |
#9918
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
| The editorial board YESTERDAY 263 Print this page Ukraine is going into its third winter of war with the mood darker than ever. In the east, its troops are losing ground to the grinding advance of their Russian adversaries — albeit at vast cost to Moscow’s forces. With half its power generation shattered, Ukrainians face spending hours a day without light or heat in the coldest months. In Washington and some western capitals, meanwhile — and in the corridors of Kyiv — the mood is shifting: from a determination that the war can end only with Russia’s army driven from Ukraine, to the reluctant recognition that a negotiated settlement that leaves the bulk of the country intact may be the best hope. Yet Kyiv is not being given the support it needs even to achieve that scaled-back goal. Ukraine’s prospects are clouded above all by the danger that Donald Trump wins next month’s US election and seeks a swift end to the war, as he has pledged. Some US and European officials hope Trump could at least be dissuaded from forcing Kyiv into an adverse deal with Moscow that would pose grave risks for future European and American security. Yet grappling simultaneously with an escalating Middle East war, even some western capitals that previously insisted on the need to defeat Russia’s Vladimir Putin militarily are recalibrating their goals. Some Kyiv officials, too, fret in private that they lack the personnel, firepower and western support to recover all territory seized by Russia. There is talk behind closed doors of a deal in which Moscow retains de facto control over the roughly one-fifth of Ukraine it has occupied — though Russia’s sovereignty is not recognised — while the rest of the country is allowed to join Nato or given equivalent security guarantees. Under that umbrella, it could rebuild and integrate with the EU, akin to West Germany in the cold war.
This scenario relies, however, on ambitious assumptions. One is that the US and its allies must be prepared to offer Nato membership or the necessary guarantees, when they have so far been reluuctant to grant Kyiv a binding path into the alliance. It would require a huge and costly deployment of forces by the US and its partners — and leave them on a cold war-style tripwire. A second assumption is that Russia’s president can be induced to negotiate and accept such a scenario. But preventing Ukraine from joining Nato was one of his ostensible war aims. It is doubtful, too, that Putin has an incentive to agree to land-for-peace talks while he believes his forces can still expand their gains. Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, presented a “victory plan” in Washington last month that sought to persuade Kyiv’s allies to bolster his position, militarily and diplomatically, and force Moscow to the table. He left empty-handed on two key requests: progress towards Nato, and US permission for Kyiv to use western missiles for long-range strikes on Russian territory. Whether the goal is outright victory or bringing Russia to the table, western allies need to strengthen Ukraine’s hand. The Kremlin can only be pushed into talks on a deal that might be satisfactory for Kyiv, and the west, if it feels the costs of fighting on are too high. And any resolution to the war that enables all or part of Ukraine to survive and prosper will need guarantees of its security. In his remaining three months in office, US President Joe Biden and his European allies should bolster Ukraine as much as possible. The aim ought to be to put Kyiv into the strongest possible position ahead of a Trump presidency, or to provide a foundation on which Kamala Harris can build if she prevails. We cannot yet know how the war will end. But it is within the west’s power — and interest — to help Ukraine regain the upper hand over its foe.
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 08. Oct 2024, 17:37 |
#9919
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
| Ooo
Tests- ple iekopējot Notes visu pirms- tur pipec rights/tearms linki - pilns!
Bet mēs jau nēsam lohi  [ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 08 Oct 2024, 17:37:14 ]
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 08. Oct 2024, 18:49 |
#9920
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28319
Braucu ar: wv
| Ukraine faces its darkest hour
In a command post near the embattled eastern Ukrainian city of Pokrovsk, soldiers of the Separate Presidential Brigade bemoan the dithering in Washington about whether Kyiv can use western missiles to strike targets inside Russia. If only they were able to fight “with both hands instead of with one hand tied behind our back”, then Ukraine’s plucky troops might stand a chance against a more powerful Russian army, laments an attack drone operator. Surrounded by video monitors showing the advancing enemy, the battalion’s commander says his objectives have begun to shift.
“Right now, I’m thinking more about how to save my people,” says Mykhailo Temper. “It’s quite hard to imagine we will be able to move the enemy back to the borders of 1991,” he adds, referring to his country’s aim of restoring its full territorial integrity. Once buoyed by hopes of liberating their lands, even soldiers at the front now voice a desire for negotiations with Russia to end the war. Yuriy, another commander on the eastern front who gave only his first name, says he fears the prospect of a “forever war”. “I am for negotiations now,” he adds, expressing his concern that his son — also a soldier — could spend much of his life fighting and that his grandson might one day inherit an endless conflict. “If the US turns off the spigot, we’re finished,” says another officer, a member of the 72nd Mechanised Brigade, in nearby Kurakhove. Ukraine is heading into what may be its darkest moment of the war so far. It is losing on the battlefield in the east of the country, with Russian forces advancing relentlessly — albeit at immense cost in men and equipment.
It is struggling to restore its depleted ranks with motivated and well-trained soldiers while an arbitrary military mobilisation system is causing real social tension. It is also facing a bleak winter of severe power and potentially heating outages. “Society is exhausted,” says Oleksandr Merezhko, chair of the foreign affairs committee of the Ukrainian parliament. At the same time, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is under growing pressure from western partners to find a path towards a negotiated settlement, even if there is scepticism about Russia’s willingness to enter talks any time soon and concern that Ukraine’s position is too weak to secure a fair deal right now. “Most players want de-escalation here,” says a senior Ukrainian official in Kyiv. It would be naive to expect the applause we got two years ago The Biden administration is aware that its present strategy is not sustainable because “we are losing the war”, says Jeremy Shapiro, head of the Washington office of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “They are thinking of how to move that war to a greater quiescence.” Most threatening of all for Kyiv is the possibility that Donald Trump wins next month’s US presidential election and tries to impose an unfavourable peace deal on Ukraine by threatening to withhold further military and financial aid. Trump repeated his claim last week that he could rapidly bring an end to the war. Ukraine’s staunchest supporters in Europe may wish to keep it in the fight but lack the weapons stockpiles to do so and have no plan for filling any void left by the US. Kyiv confirmed it was laying the groundwork for future talks in spectacular fashion when its troops seized a swath of Russia’s Kursk region in a surprise cross-border incursion in August. Zelenskyy said the land would serve as a bargaining chip. And last week, in an attempt to shape the thinking of his allies, Zelenskyy visited the US to market his so-called “victory plan”, a formula for bolstering Ukraine’s position before possible talks with Moscow. Zelenskyy described it as a “strategy of achieving peace through strength”.
Stepping into the maelstrom of the US election campaign, he held separate talks with President Joe Biden, vice-president Kamala Harris and her Republican opponent, Trump, to make his case. At one point, Zelenskyy’s US mission veered towards disaster after he was criticised by Trump for resisting peace talks and censured by senior Republicans for visiting a weapons factory in the crucial swing state of Pennsylvania accompanied only by Democratic politicians. But in the end, he persuaded Trump to grant him an audience and salvaged his visit. “It was not a triumph. It was not a catastrophe,” the senior Ukrainian official says of Zelenskyy’s US trip. “It would be naive to expect the applause we got two years ago,” the official adds, referring to the president’s address before Congress in December 2022, for which he received multiple standing ovations and declared that Ukraine would “never surrender”. Yet the Ukrainian leader left Washington empty-handed on two central issues: US permission to use western weapons for long-range strikes on Russian territory; and progress on Ukraine’s bid to join Nato. The Biden administration has resisted both, fearing it could encourage Moscow to escalate the conflict, potentially drawing in the US and other allies. US officials were unimpressed by Zelenskyy’s “victory plan”, which includes requests for massive amounts of western weaponry. An adviser who helped prepare the document says Zelenskyy had no choice but to restate his insistence on Nato membership because anything else would have been perceived as a retreat on the question of western security guarantees, which Ukrainians see as indispensable. The victory plan is an attempt to change the trajectory of the war and bring Russia to the table. Zelenskyy really believes in it Despite Washington’s misgivings, the ability to strike Russian territory is also central to Zelenskyy’s victory plan, says the adviser. While US officials have argued that Russia has already moved strike aircraft beyond the range of western missiles, Ukrainian officials insist there are plenty of other targets such as command centres, weapons caches, fuel depots and logistics nodes. Destroying them could disrupt Moscow’s ability to wage war, show Russian leader Vladimir Putin that his objectives of seizing at least four whole provinces of Ukraine are untenable and disprove his conviction that the west will lose interest in supporting Ukraine. “Russia should not be overestimated,” says Andris Sprūds, Latvia’s defence minister. “It has its vulnerabilities.” Although Zelenskyy’s victory plan restated old objectives, its real significance is that it shifts Ukraine’s war aims from total liberation to bending the war in Kyiv’s favour, says the senior Ukrainian official. “It’s an attempt to change the trajectory of the war and bring Russia to the table. Zelenskyy really believes in it.”
Multiple European diplomats who attended last week’s UN General Assembly in New York say there was a tangible shift in the tone and content of discussions around a potential settlement. They note more openness from Ukrainian officials to discuss the potential for agreeing a ceasefire even while Russian troops remain on their territory, and more frank discussions among western officials about the urgency for a deal. Ukraine’s new foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha, used private meetings with western counterparts on his first trip to the US in the post to discuss potential compromise solutions, the diplomats said, and struck a more pragmatic tone on the possibility of land-for-security negotiations than his predecessor. “We’re talking more and more openly about how this ends and what Ukraine would have to give up in order to get a permanent peace deal,” says one of the diplomats, who was present in New York. “And that’s a major change from even six months ago, when this kind of talk was taboo.” The Ukrainian foreign ministry said: “No territorial compromises were suggested, discussed, or even hinted at during any of the meetings.” Ukrainian public opinion also appears to be more open to peace talks — but not necessarily to the concessions they may require. Polling by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology for the National Democratic Institute in the summer showed that 57 per cent of respondents thought Ukraine should engage in peace negotiations with Russia, up from 33 per cent a year earlier. The survey showed the war was taking an ever heavier toll: 77 per cent of respondents reported the loss of family members, friends or acquaintances, four times as many as two years earlier. Two-thirds said they were finding it difficult or very difficult to live on their wartime income.
Life is about to get even tougher. Russia has destroyed at least half of Ukraine’s power-generating capacity after it resumed mass drone and missile strikes against power stations and grid infrastructure this spring. Ukraine faces a “severe” electricity deficit of up to 6GW, equivalent to a third of peak winter demand, according the International Energy Agency. It is increasingly dependent on its three remaining operational nuclear power plants, the IEA noted. Were Russia to attack substations adjacent to these plants — despite all the obvious dangers — it could cause Ukraine’s power system to collapse, and with it heating and water supply. Central heating facilities in large cities such as Kharkiv and Kyiv are also vulnerable. Another source of tension is mobilisation. Under new legislation, millions of Ukrainian men have been compelled to register for possible service or face hefty fines. At the same time, many Ukrainians know of men who have been randomly stopped at metro or train stations, often late at night, and carted off to mobilisation centres, a brief period of training and then the front line. 55% Share of Ukrainians who remain opposed to any formal cession of territory as part of a peace deal, down from a peak of 87 per cent last year “It is perceived as abusive, worse than if you are a criminal, where there is at least due process,” says Hlib Vyshlinksy, director of the Centre for Economic Strategy in Kyiv. “It tears people apart. The real enemy is Russia, but at the same time they fear a corrupt, abusive enrolment office doing the wrong thing.” If Ukrainians have warmed to the idea of negotiations, a majority — 55 per cent according to a KIIS polling in May — remain opposed to any formal cession of territory as part of a peace deal. “People want peace but they are also against territorial concessions. It is hard to reconcile them,” says Merezhko, the chair of the foreign affairs committee. However, the KIIS survey shows the share of respondents opposed to any territorial concessions has dropped sharply from a peak of 87 per cent early last year. It also found that Ukrainians might be open to a compromise whereby, in return for Ukrainian membership of Nato, Russian maintains de facto control over occupied parts of Ukraine, but not recognised sovereignty. Other polls suggest Ukrainians are still confident of winning and will be disappointed by anything other than total battlefield victory. The biggest domestic problem for Zelenskyy might come from a nationalist minority opposed to any compromise, some of whom are now armed and trained to fight.
“If you get into any negotiation, it could be a trigger for social instability,” says a Ukrainian official. “Zelenskyy knows this very well.” “There will always be a radical segment of Ukrainian society that will call any negotiation capitulation. The far right in Ukraine is growing. The right wing is a danger to democracy,” says Merezhko, who is an MP for Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party. As the KIIS polling shows, making any deal acceptable that allows Russia to stay in the parts of Ukraine it has seized since its first invasion in 2014 will hinge on obtaining meaningful western security guarantees, which for Kyiv means Nato membership. “The most important thing for us is security guarantees. Proper ones. Otherwise it won’t end the war; it will just trigger another one,” says a Ukrainian official. “Land for [Nato] membership is the only game in town, everyone knows it,” says one senior western official. “Nobody will say it out loud . . . but it’s the only strategy on the table.” Nato membership remains Ukraine’s key goal, but very few of the alliance’s 32 members think it is possible without a full, lasting ceasefire and a defined line on the map that determines what portion of Ukraine’s territory the alliance’s mutual defence clause applies to. The model floated by some is West Germany’s membership of the alliance, which lasted more than three decades before the fall of the Berlin Wall and reunification with the east. “The West German model is gaining traction particularly in the White House, which has been the most sceptical about Nato membership,” says Shapiro of the ECFR. “The Russians would hate that, but at least it could be some opening gambit for a compromise.” But even that would require a vast force deployment by the US and its partners that any US administration, Democratic or Republican, would probably balk at, given Washington’s focus on the threat from China. One question would be whether European powers would be willing to shoulder more of the burden.
And would Russia accept Ukraine’s entry into the alliance, an alignment with the west it has been trying to thwart militarily for a decade? Many on both sides of the Atlantic say it is unlikely. “I don’t think Russia would agree to our participation in Nato,” says a senior Ukrainian official. Anything short of full membership is unlikely to be enough to stop the Kremlin’s military aggression. “Even if we get a Nato invitation, it will mean nothing. It’s a political decision,” adds the senior Ukrainian official. In what could be his last trip to Europe before standing down as president, Biden will chair a meeting of Ukraine and its allies in Germany on October 12. A western official briefed on Zelenskyy’s talks in Washington said there were tentative signs that Biden might agree to advance the status of Ukraine’s Nato membership bid before he leaves office in January. As he left the US this weekend, Zelenskyy said that October would be “decision time”. The Ukrainian leader will once again plead for permission to hit targets inside Russia with western-supplied munitions, knowing that it is one of the few options for bringing hostilities to an end. “It’s about constraining Russia’s capabilities” and piling on pressure to get them to open talks, says the senior Ukrainian official. “It’s a real chance if we are thinking about resolving this war.”
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-Cartography by Cleve Jones This article has been updated after publication to include a response from the Ukrainian foreign ministry
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