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| Autors | Ziņojums |
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| user | | 29. May 2024, 15:39 |
#9061
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| Kopš: 12. May 2020
Ziņojumi: 13762
Braucu ar:
| nu līdz 2030 gadam jau kāds iemācīsies lidot, kāda lidmašīna arī tiks piegādāta  tur baigi neviens nesteidzas un runā ar'par piegādēm 26, 28 gadā.. |  Offline | | |
| uldens1 | | 29. May 2024, 18:12 |
#9062
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|  Kopš: 28. Feb 2008
Ziņojumi: 16213
Braucu ar:
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29 May 2024, 14:47:24 @Lafter rakstīja:
Ar gripeniem loģisks lēmums. F16 būs ,vairumā. Protams prioritāri jāsakārto infrakstruktūra tiem lidaparātiem, kuru pēc tam pielāgos Gripeniem. Nevis visu vienā putrā. Atkal izrauts no konteksta teksts.
Gripeni esot ļoti vienkārši,mazu tehnisko personālu vajagot,tik problēma ka to gripenu saražots ir ļoti maz.Labi ja kādas četras iedos ukraaiņiem,F16 ir pāri pa 2400 saražoti | | Offline | | |
| abyss | | 29. May 2024, 19:25 |
#9063
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|  Kopš: 26. Jun 2013
No: Rīga
Ziņojumi: 8252
Braucu ar: e39 523
| UA tiks pie jaunas rotaļlietas.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saab_340_AEW%26C
Zviedri pēdējā pakā iekļāva. Kaut kas līdzīgs a50. | | Offline | | |
Lafter  | | 04. Jun 2024, 23:41 |
#9064
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|  Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28686
Braucu ar: wv
| In Israel and Ukraine, Biden Navigates Two of America’s Most Difficult Allies
President Biden has promised to support the two countries for as long as it takes. Both their wars appear to be at critical turning points.
Over the past five days, President Biden has been engaged in a very public demonstration of the struggles of managing two of America’s most difficult allies, President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, both leading countries that the president has vowed to defend, as long as it takes.
The conflicts they are engaged in could not be more different, born out of grievances that reach back decades. But by coincidence, both confrontations seem to be at critical turning points, that moment when it becomes obvious how starkly national interests are diverging — to say nothing of the political interests of three leaders clearly worried about their own hold on power.
Adding to the complexity of the problem, it is unclear in Washington exactly what an acceptable endgame might look in Ukraine or in Gaza. Officially, Ukraine still talks about total victory, pushing Russia out of every inch of territory it seized since the February 2022 invasion. Israel still speaks of the goal of the “total destruction” of Hamas, the only way to assure that it could never again mount an attack like the Oct. 7 assault that killed nearly 1,200 Israelis and sparked seven months of brutal retaliation.
But in Washington, those rallying calls sound increasingly unrealistic. Russia appears to be regaining momentum. The call for the total defeat of Hamas sounds like a rationale for perpetual war — and, in fact, Israeli officials have publicly declared the war in Gaza will likely continue to the end of the year, if not longer.
So Mr. Biden has taken to crisis management, trying to prevent the worst, even if he cannot answer the question of how, exactly, these wars end.
“Neither Ukraine nor Israel is a treaty ally,” said Aaron David Miller, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a longtime Mideast negotiator. He was referring to the status of the other 31 members of NATO, which are obliged to come to one another’s defense, and the formal American pacts with Japan, South Korea, the Philippines and others. “And yet we are fully invested in how to get these wars to the next phase, a phase where we lessen the violence, even if we can’t articulate a realistic vision of how it stops.”
In both cases, Mr. Biden has now staked some big bets.
On Thursday, with the most minimal of public explanation, the White House revealed that Mr. Biden had carved what it termed a narrow exemption to his 27-month-long insistence that American weapons can never be shot into Russian territory. It is a rule he established at the outset of the war in Ukraine to “avoid World War III.”
It was one thing, Mr. Biden told his aides, to give the Ukrainians the weaponry they need to protect their own homeland. But letting them launch American artillery rounds and rockets and missiles over the border, where they could take the lives of not only soldiers but also civilians, and wipe out Russian infrastructure, could escalate into a direct American confrontation with a nuclear-armed adversary.
That mandate made sense when time was on Ukraine’s side, one of Mr. Biden’s top advisers said over the weekend. But now, momentum has reversed. Mr. Zelensky, who clashed repeatedly with Mr. Biden and his staff over their reluctance to give him long-range artillery, then tanks, then F-16’s, began a public pressure campaign to get Mr. Biden to soften his restrictions on firing American weapons across the border into Russia.
In an interview with The New York Times two weeks ago, Mr. Zelensky addressed Mr. Biden.
“Shoot down what’s in the sky over Ukraine,” Mr. Zelensky said. “And give us the weapons to use against Russian forces on the borders.” He was taking public what he had been saying more insistently to visiting American officials, including Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken, the most recent senior official to visit Kyiv.
Mr. Blinken came back convinced, and in a Friday night Oval Office meeting with Mr. Biden, he and Jake Sullivan, the national security adviser, along with Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III, convinced Mr. Biden that he needed to lift the restrictions at least in the border areas around Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second-largest city. Otherwise, they warned, Russia could well start taking back significant parts of territory that it was chased out of in the fall of 2022. Ukraine announced on Monday that it had used Western-provided weapons to destroy an air-defense system on Russian territory, though it did not name the weapon or give details. Russia’s deputy foreign minister, Sergei A. Ryabkov, then issued a warning that if Western-provided weapons struck Russia, Moscow would extract “fatal consequences.”
Mr. Biden’s aides insisted that the president had not reversed himself as much as he had created an exception to his non-escalation rule. But as Mr. Blinken himself hinted at the end of last week, it might not be the last exception. He said the American strategy to push back on Russia would adapt to changes on the battlefield.
Mr. Zelensky spent the weekend arguing that it was not enough — that Mr. Biden should take all the restrictions off the use of American weapons, so that he could use them across all borders with Russia and deep into its territory. The White House shook it off.
“I don’t think it should come as a shock to anybody that President Zelensky would be grateful on one hand, but all eager to continue to press his case,” said John F. Kirby, a spokesman for the National Security Council. But Mr. Kirby said U.S. policy against “long range strikes inside of Russia has not changed.”
In private, Mr. Biden’s advisers concede that American and Ukrainian priorities are diverging. At this point, Ukraine has nothing left to lose from escalating with Russia. Mr. Biden still does: Inside the White House, the obvious concern is that President Vladimir V. Putin will roll out battlefield nuclear weapons, trying to convince the world that if Ukraine keeps dropping American-made bombs and rockets on Russian territory, he will not hesitate to use the ultimate weapon on Ukraine.
Mr. Zelensky, for his part, has dismissed the nuclear fears as overwrought.
The day after Mr. Biden allowed limited strikes on Russian territory, he made a much more public move to force the hand of Mr. Netanyahu, with whom his relationship has turned just short of poisonous. Mr. Biden gave a public speech in which he endorsed what he called an Israeli plan to win the release of hostages and end the fighting in Gaza. “It’s time for this war to end, for the day after to begin,’’ he said.
It was unusual, to say the least, for an American president to be spelling out the details of an Israeli plan: Diplomats are trained to avoid speaking for other countries. But in this case, that was the point. Mr. Biden spoke after months of frustration, in which Mr. Netanyahu refused to go along with American admonitions to let in more lifesaving aid, to create a plan for evacuating hundreds of thousands of Palestinian civilians from Rafah before military operations took place, and to avoid using 2,000-pound bombs that injure or kill civilians.
So the president was determined to make Mr. Netanyahu admit to ownership of a three-phased peace plan, one that could stretch out for years.
In fact, the plan was approved by the war cabinet — though not by the small right-wing parties that support Mr. Netanyahu and that he needs to keep his fragile coalition government in power. It appears those opponents of the deal never even saw the offer to Hamas.
Mr. Netanyahu did not exactly deny that he had signed off on the plan, but he did not admit it, either. “He’s dancing,’’ said Shalom Lipner, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council who worked for seven Israeli prime ministers over 26 years, including Mr. Netanyahu. “He hasn’t disclaimed it. But he hasn’t embraced it, either.”
“Going public with this proposal — on the Sabbath, when he knew that the more right-wing religious parties might not hear it or could not respond — became a necessity because time is slipping away,’’ Mr. Lipner said.
It is slipping in particular for Mr. Biden. Six weeks ago, the president and his aides thought a prisoner swap and a cease-fire, even if temporary, was just days away. That moment came and went. Now, atop the human tragedy of the war is the political reality: Mr. Biden knows that his campaign appearances, and the Democratic convention, may well be marked by protesters from the progressive wing of his party who believe the United States should have cut off all of Israel’s offensive arms as the civilian deaths mounted.
But, as a strong supporter of Israel over the past 50 years — Mr. Biden still talks of dealing with Golda Meir at the end of her time in power as Israel’s prime minister — the president knows he cannot appear to be threatening or abandoning the current government.
So the two men have taken to public pronouncements that make clear their differences of strategy. It is hardly the kind of quiet, take-a-friend-aside cajoling that Mr. Biden prides himself on, whether he is strong-arming NATO leaders to spend more on defense or persuading the Japanese to reconcile their century-old differences with South Korea. But it is what the US and Israel have come to, out of distrust: Public pronouncements to corner the other.
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| HUBLOC | | 05. Jun 2024, 00:38 |
#9065
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|  Kopš: 02. Oct 2007
No: Rīga
Ziņojumi: 4689
Braucu ar: Q7
| Paldies par palagu  tiesi pirms miedzina palasit )) | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 09. Jun 2024, 21:40 |
#9066
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28686
Braucu ar: wv
| Far Right Surges in European Parliament Elections, Early Data Shows
Voters across the European Union were expected to deliver major gains to anti-immigrant, nationalist parties, challenging leaders in Germany and France.
Elections in 27 countries for the European Parliament ended on Sunday, with early projections giving far-right parties a strong showing, a result that, if confirmed, would amount to a strong gauge of voter dissatisfaction and a stinging rebuke for the political mainstream.
The balloting indicated that the prevailing winds had grown decidedly chill for Europe’s political establishment. If confirmed, they are likely to make it harder for the European Parliament to form majorities to pass laws, and would render negotiations over divisive issues even tougher. More broadly, they underscored that the momentum of the far-right forces that have been expanding their challenge to centrists over the past decade had yet to crest.
The projected outcome did not bode well for Europe’s centrist leaders and their parties, including in France and Germany, the continent’s biggest powers that are considered the engine of Europe’s experiment in pooling national sovereignty.
The results were especially crushing for President Emmanuel Macron of France, who on Saturday night hosted President Biden at a state dinner in Paris. Mr. Macron’s Renaissance party was poised to finish with about half the support of the far-right National Rally of Marine Le Pen, which was on track to secure more than 30 percent of the vote, according to projections based on preliminary vote counts.The result may now leave Ms. Le Pen, whom Mr. Macron has derided as a threat to the values of the French Republic, in her strongest position yet to challenge the French mainstream in presidential elections three years from now, when Mr. Macron, who is term limited, must step aside.The far-right Alternative for Germany party, or AfD, officially labeled a “suspected” extremist group by the German authorities, also showed strongly.
Projections gave the party about 16 percent of the vote. The projected result placed AfD behind the mainstream conservative Christian Democratic Union, but ahead of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s Social Democrats, making it the country’s second-ranking party.Right-wing parties now govern alone or as part of coalitions in seven of the European Union’s 27 countries. They have gained across the continent as voters have grown more concentrated on nationalism and identity, often tied to migration and some of the same culture-war politics pertaining to gender and L.G.B.T.Q. issues that have gained traction in the United States.
The strong far-right showing was likely to reverberate even in the United States, where it can be expected to hearten kindred political forces loyal to former President Donald J. Trump as he seeks a return to office in the general election on Nov. 5.
Other factors contributing to the right’s rise have been lingering anger over Covid-era policies and the inflation that grew in the wake of the pandemic and as a consequence of the war in Ukraine, which pushed Europe to turn away from cheap Russian energy.
Part of the far right in the European Parliament is pro-Russia and wants to push for a swift peace deal with Ukraine on Russia’s terms. Their voices could influence what has so far been solid E.U. support for Kyiv in the form of billions in funding for arms and reconstruction, as well as a path to E.U. membership.European Union leaders have already watered down environmental policies and overhauled the bloc’s migration policies to address concerns by traditional conservative and further-right voters, but the electoral success of more radical right-wing parties could lead to still more changes.
Fresh, firmer figures based on actual votes counted were expected to be made public later Sunday evening.
Aurelien Breeden contributed reporting from Paris.
Matina Stevis-Gridneff is the Brussels bureau chief for The Times, leading coverage of the European Union.
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Spied zemāk.
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| | Offline | | |
| bum_bumz | | 09. Jun 2024, 23:18 |
#9067
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| Kopš: 05. Jan 2006
Ziņojumi: 6756
Braucu ar: E34
| @kexxx -veidīgs naratīvs, kas nav ar mums, ir vatņiki 
Nevar noliegt, ka tā bija daļa no Putlera plāna. Atšķirība tajā, ka neuzpirka jau viņš tā saucamos labējos ekstrēmistus, bet gan pareizos liberāļus. mammaMerkele vispār veikusi genocīdu pret vācu tautu Rudenī būs DDR vēlēšanas, tur ies pavisam jautri. Bet ko darīt vēlētājam, ja čurkestāns nodur meitu, dēlu? Atliek balsot par tādiem, kuri gatavi izdzīt maitasgabalus kebenemaķeri | | Offline | | |
| martins_usars | | 09. Jun 2024, 23:30 |
#9068
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|  Kopš: 01. May 2023
Ziņojumi: 1026
Braucu ar: BMW 530i, VW Passat 2.0TDI, AR Giulia 2.0T
| Sanāk, ka Makrons atlaida valdību, jo EP vēlēšanās neuzvarēja leftisti?  | | Offline | | |
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| martins_usars | | 09. Jun 2024, 23:30 |
#9069
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| Kopš: 01. May 2023
Ziņojumi: 1026
Braucu ar: BMW 530i, VW Passat 2.0TDI, AR Giulia 2.0T
| Sanāk, ka Makrons atlaida valdību, jo EP vēlēšanās neuzvarēja leftisti? | | Offline | | |
| hirsch72 | | 10. Jun 2024, 00:47 |
#9070
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| Kopš: 09. Jul 2014
Ziņojumi: 131
Braucu ar:
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09 Jun 2024, 23:30:21 @martins_usars rakstīja:
Sanāk, ka Makrons atlaida valdību, jo EP vēlēšanās neuzvarēja leftisti?
Leftisti? National Rally ir labējie. Nacionālisti.
Drīzāk līdzšinējie sociālisti manās acīs ir "leftisti". | | Offline | | |
| mrCage | | 10. Jun 2024, 01:03 |
#9071
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| Kopš: 03. Apr 2021
Ziņojumi: 1977
Braucu ar:
| '' Makrons svētdien paziņojis, ka atlaiž parlamentu un izsludina pirmstermiņa vēlēšanas.
Parlamenta apakšnama - Nacionālās sapulces - vēlēšanu pirmā kārta notiks 30. jūnijā, bet otrā kārta - 7. jūlijā,''.
Re kā FRA viss notiek ātri - prezidents vienkārši atlaiž un jau pēc 20 dienām jaunas vēlēšanas.
Nevis kā pie mums - prezidents atlaist var ,bet tad rīkojam nobalsošanu ,pēc tam jaunas vēlēsānas ,kā rezultātā visa saeimas maiņa var ilgt pusgadu. | | Offline | | |
RVR  | | 10. Jun 2024, 07:50 |
#9072
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|  Kopš: 18. Sep 2008
Ziņojumi: 22294
Braucu ar: RVR
| Nu vispār Francija ir prezidentāla republika, atšķirībā no mums. Diezgan loģiski, ka arī likumi ir atšķirīgi
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| Fandulis | | 10. Jun 2024, 08:19 |
#9073
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| Kopš: 29. Nov 2004
Ziņojumi: 13381
Braucu ar: sipisnīku pi vuškom
| Beļģija un ZĪrija nodzīvoja bez valdības pusotru gadu, kādam Latvijā tas kaut ko mainīja?
| | Offline | | |
| Rockstar | | 10. Jun 2024, 17:20 |
#9074
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| Kopš: 11. Dec 2004
No: Rīga
Ziņojumi: 3697
Braucu ar:
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10 Jun 2024, 01:03:19 @mrCage rakstīja:
'' Makrons svētdien paziņojis, ka atlaiž parlamentu un izsludina pirmstermiņa vēlēšanas.
Parlamenta apakšnama - Nacionālās sapulces - vēlēšanu pirmā kārta notiks 30. jūnijā, bet otrā kārta - 7. jūlijā,''.
Re kā FRA viss notiek ātri - prezidents vienkārši atlaiž un jau pēc 20 dienām jaunas vēlēšanas.
Nevis kā pie mums - prezidents atlaist var ,bet tad rīkojam nobalsošanu ,pēc tam jaunas vēlēsānas ,kā rezultātā visa saeimas maiņa var ilgt pusgadu.
Tātad var gaidīt, ka vēlēšanu rezultāti būs analoģiski pašreizējo EP vēlēšanu rezultātiem.
Tāda ir Makrona lelles raustītāju doma, lai pie varas nonāktu labējie Rusijas fani.
Mums tas galīgi nav izdevīgi, 90% EU labējie ir Putina locekļa ostītāji. Kad nonāks līdz atomkara iespējai, tad Baltija tiks pamesta Krievijas varā, jo rietumu pasaule negribēs atomkaru.
Ne velti nesen tika izlaista filma Openheimers un šī filma pirms mēneša. Lai iedzītu bailes un sagatavotu idiokrātijas proletariāta prātus Atomkara iespējamībai
 Spied "Play", lai skatītos video! [ Šo ziņu laboja Rockstar, 10 Jun 2024, 17:21:21 ] | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 19. Jun 2024, 15:17 |
#9075
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28686
Braucu ar: wv
| Un runá, ka nākamais būs ar Ķīnu.
Nu ja bez sarkasma, jociņiem un rozà poniju zemes iedzīvotāju tekstiem.
Čaļi….. nebūs labi… tās sajūtas arvien drūmākas paliek. Šis jau ir nopietni.
Breaking News
Putin and Kim Sign Pact Pledging Mutual Support Against ‘Aggression’ A need for munitions to use against Ukraine is pushing Russia’s leader to deepen his ties with North Korea, raising alarms in the West. The text of the agreement was not immediately released.
President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, revived a Cold War-era mutual defense pledge between their nations on Wednesday by signing a new agreement that obligated them to assist each other in the event of “aggression” against either country.
The Russian president, in a briefing after the two leaders signed the document, did not clarify whether such assistance would require immediate and full-fledged military intervention in the event of an attack, as the now-defunct 1961 treaty specified. But he said that Russia “does not exclude the development of military-technical cooperation” with North Korea in accordance with the new agreement.
The pact was one of the most visible rewards Mr. Kim has extracted from Moscow in return for the dozens of ballistic missiles and over 11,000 shipping containers of munitions that Washington has said North Korea has provided in recent months to help support Mr. Putin’s war in Ukraine.
It also represented the farthest the Kremlin has gone in throwing its weight behind North Korea, after years of cooperating with the United States at the United Nations in curbing Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile program — a change that accelerated after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
“This is a truly breakthrough document, reflecting the desire of the two countries not to rest on their laurels, but to raise our relations to a new qualitative level,” Mr. Putin added. Neither North Korea nor Russia immediately released the text of the new agreement.
Mr. Putin denounced the United States for expanding military infrastructure in the region and holding drills with South Korea and Japan. He rejected what he called attempts to blame the deteriorating security situation on North Korea, which has carried out six nuclear test explosions since 2006 and tested intercontinental ballistic missiles that could reach the United States.
“Pyongyang has the right to take reasonable measures to strengthen its own defense capability, ensure national security and protect sovereignty,” Mr. Putin said.
Mr. Kim called the pact a “most powerful agreement” and praised the “outstanding foresight” of Mr. Putin, “the dearest friend of the Korean people,” the state-owned Russian news agency RIA Novosti said.
The pledge of mutual assistance is likely to further alarm Washington and its allies, particularly South Korea, because it could not only provide further support for Russia’s war in Ukraine but also undermines efforts to curb North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs.
Mr. Putin’s remarks recalled the 1961 treaty of friendship and mutual assistance between Pyongyang and Moscow under which the two countries were obliged to “immediately extend military and other assistance” with all means at their disposal, should one of them find itself at war. That treaty became defunct after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
When Moscow and Pyongyang signed a friendship agreement in 2000, it lacked a clause on automatic military intervention, calling only for mutual “contact” if a security emergency were to arise. It did not stipulate military intervention or military aid.
Mr. Putin is the first major head of state to visit North Korea since the pandemic, highlighting its importance to Russia: It is one of the few like-minded countries able and willing to supply Moscow with badly needed conventional weapons.
Mr. Kim gave the Russian leader a red-carpet welcome early Wednesday in Pyongyang, the North’s capital. His energy-starved government flooded downtown Pyongyang with bright lights as the two leaders were driven in the same car — the Russian-made Aurus limousine that Mr. Putin gave Mr. Kim last year — to the state guesthouse.
Despite sweltering heat, huge crowds were mobilized to a welcoming ceremony for Mr. Putin in the main square of Pyongyang later Wednesday, complete with goose-stepping honor guards and colorful balloons released into the air. The crowds waved paper flowers and the national flags of the two nations as Mr. Putin arrived.
“I don’t know any other country where a person breathes so freely,” Pavel Zarubin, a Russian state TV correspondent known for his fawning coverage of Mr. Putin, said in a video posted on Telegram from Kim Il-sung Square.
As negotiations began, Mr. Putin touted a new strategic partnership document that the two leaders had signed at the summit.
“We greatly appreciate your consistent and unwavering support for Russian policy, including with regard to Ukraine, in light of our fight against the imperial policy the United States has pursued over decades in relation to the Russian Federation,” Mr. Putin told the North Korean leader.
Mr. Putin, who last visited North Korea shortly after becoming president in 2000, noted the changes in the capital over the intervening years and said the city had become beautiful under Mr. Kim’s leadership. He expressed hope that the next meeting between the two leaders would take place in the Russian capital.
In his remarks, Mr. Kim underscored what he called Russia’s role in supporting strategic stability and balance in the world, according to reports in Russian state media. The North Korean leader reiterated his support for Russian operations in Ukraine, cheering a new era of prosperity in relations between Moscow and Pyongyang, the state news reports said.
Later on Wednesday, Mr. Putin was scheduled to visit the only Russian Orthodox Church in North Korea, built in the mid-2000s.
Mr. Putin has received artillery shells and missiles from North Korea to help fuel his drawn-out war in Ukraine, according to American and South Korean officials, though both Russia and the North have denied any arms transfers. For his part, Mr. Kim covets Russian help in easing his country’s oil shortages, improving its weapons systems and undermining Washington’s attempts to strangle its economy with international sanctions.
The pledge of mutual assistance announced on Wednesday presents a threat to the global push for the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. Moscow once joined the United States in imposing United Nations sanctions on countries like North Korea and Iran over their nuclear programs, but those days seem to be over.
“I don’t think he’ll ever sign up to that again,” said Michael A. McFaul, a former U.S. ambassador to Russia and the director of Stanford University’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, referring to Mr. Putin. “I think he’s decided we’re the enemy, the liberal international order that the United States anchors is over, and he wants to see its destruction.”
Weeks before Mr. Putin’s trip, Moscow used its veto power at the U.N. Security Council to disband a panel of U.N. experts that helped to enforce sanctions aimed at making it more difficult for North Korea to develop its nuclear arsenal. In a column published in Rodong Sinmun, the North’s main state-run newspaper, on the eve of his arrival, Mr. Putin denounced the United States’ “worldwide neocolonialist dictatorship” and lauded Mr. Kim for resisting “the U.S. economic pressure, provocation, blackmail and military threats.”
North Korea’s economy has been devastated by sanctions, and Mr. Kim is intent on capitalizing on the partnership with Mr. Putin. The North’s official Korean Central News Agency on Wednesday called the deepening ties between the two leaders “an engine for accelerating the building of a new multipolar world.” Rodong said the two nations were “in the same trench” in the struggle against Washington and its allies.
Mr. Putin’s visit to North Korea “demonstrates that our security is not regional. It’s global,” NATO’s secretary general, Jens Stoltenberg, said in Washington on Tuesday at a joint news conference with Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken.
“What happens in Europe matters for Asia, and what happens in Asia matters for us,” Mr. Stoltenberg said. “This is clearly demonstrated in Ukraine, where Iran, North Korea, China are propping up, fueling Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.”
North Korea’s military has long been ridiculed for its backward technologies and vast stockpile of outdated Soviet-era weaponry, such as artillery shells. But the fact that Mr. Putin was visiting Pyongyang for the first time in 24 years demonstrated how such old-fashioned munitions are among those that Russia most desperately needs in its war of attrition in Ukraine.
Choe Sang-Hun is the lead reporter for The Times in Seoul, covering South and North Korea. More about Choe Sang-Hun
Paul Sonne is an international correspondent, focusing on Russia and the varied impacts of President Vladimir V. Putin’s domestic and foreign policies, with a focus on the war against Ukraine.
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| | Offline | | |
| kaprons2 | | 19. Jun 2024, 15:43 |
#9076
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| Kopš: 04. Jun 2019
Ziņojumi: 1045
Braucu ar:
| PU grib šo izveidot līdzīgi kā Korejas karu(ilga 3 gadus)
Tātad viņš grib, lai ziemeļkorejieši lielā skaitā brauc karot uz Ukrainu.(arī Ķīna bija viņu pusē ar nelielu karavīru skaitu).[ Šo ziņu laboja kaprons2, 19 Jun 2024, 15:44:35 ] | | Offline | | |
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| Lafter | | 19. Jun 2024, 15:58 |
#9077
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28686
Braucu ar: wv
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19 Jun 2024, 15:43:13 @kaprons2 rakstīja:
PU grib šo izveidot līdzīgi kā Korejas karu(ilga 3 gadus)
Tātad viņš grib, lai ziemeļkorejieši lielā skaitā brauc karot uz Ukrainu.(arī Ķīna bija viņu pusē ar nelielu karavīru skaitu).
Manas personîgās izjūtas ir nepatikamas. Nav nekādu pazīmju uz nomierināšanos. Pasaule sadalījusies ATKAL!!! Divās pretējàs nometnēs. Tikai iet uz eskalāciju. Ķīna arī sāk sprēgāt, īsàk sakot…. Nav labi, var tā spriedze eksplodēt vienā brīdī. Taivāna, tuvie austrumi, persi… nu jau vairs nav atsevišķi karstie punkti, bet viss kopā. Baigo optimismu man šis viss neievieš. Ķīna, Persi, Vate, Zālēdàj. Katram ir ambîcijas un nu jau neviens nemīž no kara. Jo putins atvēra pandoras lādi. 
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
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| kkas | | 19. Jun 2024, 16:15 |
#9078
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|  Kopš: 22. Apr 2008
Ziņojumi: 9335
Braucu ar: Alfu
| Putins veido krieviju par lielvalsti (agresīvu). Tāda kā tā bija aukstā kara laikā.
visas pret demokrātiskās valstis būs vienā blokā, ekonomiski, politiski un militāri saistītas, kur krievija, dominē. līdzīgi kā ASV.
tā ir tā bipolārā pasaule par ko viņš runā jau no laika gala.
rietumiem būs jāpārstāj dzert lati un būs jālej asinis, tikai jautājums kur...vai arī sadalīs starp sevi pārējos, kā staļins ar hitleru. | | Offline | | |
RSAWorkshop  | | 19. Jun 2024, 16:37 |
#9079
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|  Kopš: 13. Dec 2014
No: Rīga
Ziņojumi: 7077
Braucu ar: G31/E53/E46/E39/E36/F31
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19 Jun 2024, 16:15:05 @kkas rakstīja:
Putins veido krieviju par lielvalsti (agresīvu). Tāda kā tā bija aukstā kara laikā.
visas pret demokrātiskās valstis būs vienā blokā, ekonomiski, politiski un militāri saistītas, kur krievija, dominē. līdzīgi kā ASV.
tā ir tā bipolārā pasaule par ko viņš runā jau no laika gala.
rietumiem būs jāpārstāj dzert lati un būs jālej asinis, tikai jautājums kur...vai arī sadalīs starp sevi pārējos, kā staļins ar hitleru.
Hitlers teica Staļinam-Davai sūdus sataisam!
Maukās bijām, laiks tāds garš-šomēnes nav bijis karš
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RSAWorkshop-BMW remonts un apkope
24400993 | | Offline | | |
| Lafter | | 19. Jun 2024, 16:47 |
#9080
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| Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
Ziņojumi: 28686
Braucu ar: wv
| Îsāk sakot. Pirmo reizi teikšu vecum, veco teicienu.
Cerēsim uz labāko, bet gatavosimies ļaunākajam. Panikai nav iemesla. Bet plānu B tomēr labāk apdomāt, kamēr ir laiks. Lai kāds tas plāns katram būtu. Sevišķi atrodoties Latvijā. Tā, kaut kā.
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Gribās pļūtīt? Nejūties novērtēts? Neviens nepievērš uzmanību?
Spied zemāk.
Spama topiks
Jā! Man jūk komati. Tas dēļ ilga perioda komunicējot citās valodās.
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