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Tēma: Notikumi UkraināZiedot Ukrainas armijas atbalstam var uz Ukrainas Nacionālās bankas speciāli izveidoto kontu
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Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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25 Aug 2024, 10:52:37 @kkas rakstīja:
Da nakuj tos ekspertus. Tirš vienā tiršanā. Būs sēne, tad arī uztrauksimies
Kas ar naftas bāzi Rostovā? Kopš vakardienas absolūts klusums.
Kurās
Jaunā drona prezentācija
Es esmu par 95 % pārliecinàts- drona izstràdē ne tikai Ukraina piedalījās. Droni izskatās būs atsevišķu ieroču šķira drīz. Ar dažādàm klasifikācijàm. Tagad or pats labākais laiks izstrādāt un testēt.
Jaunie ,,pilsoņi,,
Voroņežā munîcijas noliktava arī turpina kurēties.[ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 25 Aug 2024, 12:30:58 ]
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Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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| Not Only for Killing: Drones Are Now Detecting Land Mines in Ukraine Ukraine is a beta test for embedding artificial intelligence and other new technologies in drones and robots to find deadly land mines, saving lives and allowing military forces to advance more quickly.
With a stiff gait, a drone dog stomped up and down a makeshift minefield at a U.S. Army testing center in Virginia, shuddering when it neared a plate-size puck meant to simulate an anti-tank explosive. On its back was a stack of cameras, GPS devices, radios and thermal imaging technology that military developers hope will help it detect mines at close range, sparing humans from that dangerous task.
For the most part, the dog appeared to know when to stay away from the mock mine, given the artificial intelligence embedded in its system to identify threats. “Mostly it does, but sometimes it doesn’t,” Kendall V. Johnson, a physicist at the countermine division of the Army’s Combat Capabilities Development Command, said during a demonstration this summer outside Washington. “That’s something we’re working on currently.”
The drone dog is among a handful of emerging technologies in anti-mine warfare — a field that, until now, experts say had not changed much in the past 50 years. But just as drones, which are generally defined as uncrewed machines, not exclusively aircraft, that are piloted remotely, have proved in Ukraine to be an important offensive weapon in modern fighting, they now may also provide defense, with new and safer ways to detect and clear land mines.
“There’s a bit of poetic justice in this,” said Colin King, a career military and humanitarian weapons specialist who co-founded the England-based firm Fenix Insight to help detect and destroy ordnance. “Drones have been such a force for destruction in this war, and I rather like the symmetry of the potential for drones to offer part of the solution.”
As in so many areas now, artificial intelligence is driving the progress. Fenix, for example, has developed software enabling drones to not only spot and identify types of land mines, but also predict where they might lie. It does that by drawing on open-source intelligence and social media reports from conflicts around the world where military units have laid mines or where rockets have delivered scatterable munitions.
In January, Mr. King paired the software with an uncrewed aircraft from another British company, Ace High Drone Specialists, and tested it with Ukrainian forces in Kherson, where it found multiple Russian-designed TM-62 anti-tank land mines half-buried in grass and dirt.
After more than 10 years of war, Ukraine is one of the most heavily mined countries in the world. Experts estimate that about one-third of its territory needs to be demined — a daunting and deadly mission any time, but especially in wartime. Countless tons of unexploded ordnance, from both Russian and Ukrainian troops, are being added to in daily shelling, some of which includes cluster munitions that can sit unexploded on the ground for years, endangering civilians.
Land mines slowed Ukraine’s attempts last summer to push Russia out of its eastern Donbas region, as well as stunted Russia’s counter-thrust this summer. Russian forces frequently seek to trap the Ukrainians by firing mine-carrying missiles behind the front lines, cutting off supply and retreat routes. That is where a drone empowered with A.I. can quickly help pick out a route by finding the mines to avoid.
“Knowing where the hell things are is a huge problem,” Mr. King said. “Locating them is critical to delineating the danger areas and initiating clearance.”
Already, the Ukrainians have been testing mine-seeking drones equipped with infrared cameras, magnetometers and neural network analysis — a type of A.I. — since last year. Some of those tests have yielded a 70 percent success rate in detecting mines, said Yulia Svyrydenko, Ukraine’s first deputy prime minister.
Ukraine is also developing a system with the American data analytics company Palantir that will use A.I. to study socioeconomic and environmental conditions across the country that Ms. Svyrydenko said would “determine which of the war-affected lands should be demined first.”
In written responses this month to emailed questions, Ms. Svyrydenko said Ukraine was depending both on its emerging domestic industry and on international allies to obtain mine-clearing machines and equipment.
Allies are contributing to a $110 million fund for technical assistance and training for military transport units, emergency services and the country’s National Guard, and at least 92 demining machines are currently clearing land on humanitarian missions across Ukraine.
A coalition of NATO states has also pledged to provide Ukraine with demining equipment, funds to procure it and training for it as part of the alliance’s focus on some of the war’s most pressing needs. And the European Union said this month it would fund a $2.2 million grant to provide 16 Belgian Malinois ordnance-sniffing dogs to new mine-disposal teams, made up of eight Ukrainian women.
“And even then, what we have is not enough,” Ms. Svyrydenko said. “No one has faced such a challenge since the Second World War. Neither Ukraine nor its partners were ready for such a challenge. Now, by working together, we are changing global approaches to demining.”
Since February 2022, when Russia began its full-scale invasion, Ukraine has surveyed about 13,500 square miles of its territory — roughly the size of the country of Moldova — and has cleared mines from about 1,800 square miles.
One ray of light is that many of the mines in Ukraine are scattered on the ground, instead of buried, “so it is possible to actually see them visually,” said Jennifer Hyman, a spokeswoman for the HALO Trust, a humanitarian organization that is sharing its drone imagery with technical experts at Amazon Web Services to develop software that finds mines.
Finding mines is still an agonizingly slow process, taking an analyst at least two days of poring over pictures and video collected by HALO drones of any of the 288 minefields in Ukraine that the humanitarian group has documented.
But when the new A.I.-enhanced software is ready, “that timeline can be cut down to maybe half an hour,” said Matthew Abercrombie, a HALO research and development officer. “So we can really start to churn through this imagery, produce this evidence and get it back into the hands of people who are making the decisions about where we should clear and where we shouldn’t.”
The HALO Trust also works with the State Department, which has spent nearly $210 million on demining efforts in Ukraine since 2014, when Russia annexed Crimea and helped separatists seize land in the Donbas region. Over the past two years, efforts to equip Ukraine with everything from thermal detectors to magnetometers to hyperspectral imaging cameras have picked up speed.
Some of that work is being done at the U.S. Army’s Combat Capabilities Development Command, at Fort Belvoir, Va., on equipment destined for both military and humanitarian missions. Engineers there have developed their own version of the mine-detection software that relies on drone imaging. They are also working on a hand-held scanner that can show soldiers the shape of a buried mine, based on what the mine detector picks up, and then feed it back to a database to create a map of where the explosives are located.
Then there is Mr. Johnson’s drone dog, equipped with night-vision sensors in its “eyes” that earned it the nickname Anthrax because “he’s very scary” in the dark, he said. Several months ago, a group of young Army soldiers test-drove Anthrax through mine-detection scenarios, Mr. Johnson said, and they became “a big fan of this guy — especially when we were climbing more on the wooded side, going around trees” on its four legs.
By contrast, older models of mine detection robots lacked the technology packed into Anthrax — particularly the A.I. software — and were clunky, sporting only a single camera and moving on tracks or wheels that largely confined them to flat surfaces.
The military developers at Fort Belvoir are focused on detecting mines, not necessarily defusing them. But as technology advances, it may not be too long before drones can find and detonate land mines all at once, Mr. Johnson said.
“I could definitely see a future where a drone may find a mine, and then you have somebody who clicks a button that says, ‘Yes, that’s a mine,’ and they click another button to get rid of the mine,” he said. “I can see a lot more automation in this. That’s a conversation that we’re having now to start.”
Lara Jakes, based in Rome, reports on diplomatic and military efforts by the West to support Ukraine in its war with Russia. She has been a journalist for nearly 30 years. More about Lara Jakes
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kaprons2 | | Kopš: 04. Jun 2019
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| RU Telegram kara veterāns aicina uz mobilizāciju, lai RU uzvarētu karā.
Viņa postam 345 likes, 1300 dislikes!
Viens ir ar muti karot, otrs karot reālā dzīvē!
Droši vien, ka pie TV atbalsta daudzi, bet ja pašam sava nauda, laiks, veselība jāliek iekšā, tad labāk ne.[ Šo ziņu laboja kaprons2, 25 Aug 2024, 13:49:49 ] | Offline | | |
mrCage | | Kopš: 03. Apr 2021
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24 Aug 2024, 11:37:41 @HiJaCKeR rakstīja:
24 Aug 2024, 11:07:45 @Rockstar rakstīja:
Vai kāds var paskaidrot kādēļ Ru vēl nav izšāvusi kodolieročus?
Kura būtu tā sarkanā līnija, lai nospiestu sarkano podziņu???
viņi taču atbrīvo Ukrainā dzīvojošos krievus no nacistiem, tad jau krrievi aizies arī bojā un kā lai to paskaidro tad vatastānas urlām
Vatei pilnībā nospļauties uz sevi,uz saviem bērniem un mazbērniem ,kur nu vēl uz kaut kur Ukrainā dzivojošajiem krieviem.
Šobrīd vispostošākā karadarbība Ukrainā notiek kā reiz UKR '' krieviskajos'' reģionos .Vatei pofig ,vate sajūsmā.
Cik lasītas baumas ,pret kodolieroču pielietošanu iebilst Ķīna ,kas šobrīd ir vienīgais lielais un ietekmīgais RUS partneris .
[ Šo ziņu laboja mrCage, 25 Aug 2024, 14:27:07 ] | Offline | | |
RSAWorkshop | | Kopš: 13. Dec 2014
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24 Aug 2024, 20:56:27 @Lafter rakstīja:
Zelenskis paziņojis par pirmo raķetes/drona "Паляниця" pielietojumu un mērķa iznīcināšanu.
KAS BĻEĢ TUR IEKŠĀ
P.s
Pats drons
Karma ieradās nekavējoties
Ko domā ar jautājumu kas iekšā? Nu kaut kādas sprāgstvielas un aizmugurē reaktīvais dzinējs, viņus brīvi var nopirkt un nav dārgi, es vienu nopirku un saķīmiķoju, pie testa, par laimi iztika bez upuriem kad nogāzās mežā Bet ir labi, ka salikuši reaktīvos, vismaz ātrāk lidinās droni
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Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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| gāž dronus
Kauja Harkivas virzienā[ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 25 Aug 2024, 15:47:12 ]
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Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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| As Ukraine Pushes Into Russia, Its Next Steps Are Unclear American officials are not convinced that Ukraine intends to hold its position in Russia long term.
More than two weeks into Ukraine’s incursion into western Russia, Ukrainian politicians have begun talking about establishing a buffer zone there. But how much farther Ukraine might try to advance into Russia, and how long it plans to stay, is unclear, U.S. officials said.
Ukrainian forces have pushed out in different directions after quickly breaking through thinly manned border defenses early this month. They have broadened their incursion wherever they find the least resistance, setting the contours of what could be a defensible buffer zone to protect Ukrainian towns and villages, which President Volodymyr Zelensky now says is a primary objective of the attack.
After the first week of fighting, Ukraine claimed to control almost 400 square miles of Russian territory — an area roughly the size of Los Angeles.
But American officials are not convinced that Ukraine intends to hold its position in Russia long term. Ukrainian forces have not been digging the kind of extensive trenches necessary to protect soldiers and equipment from enemy fire, if Russia musters enough firepower to repel the attack. They have not been laying minefields to slow down a counterattack, nor have they constructed barriers to slow down Russian tanks, the officials say.
“What the war has shown us so far is that the way to slow a military down is through ‘defense in depth,’” said Seth G. Jones, a senior vice president with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, in a reference to the strategy of using multiple layers of defensive positioning. “If they are not defending territory with a mixture of trenches and mines, it is going to be virtually impossible to hold territory.”
And the more territory Ukraine captures, the greater the challenge it will be for the some 10,000 Ukrainian troops there to defend it, U.S. officials and analysts said.
A Pentagon official said Ukraine’s delay in building defensive fortifications did not necessarily mean that Kyiv did not intend to hold territory in Russia. Ukraine could look to build defensive positions even deeper inside Russia, extending the territory it has seized in order to add to Mr. Zelensky’s buffer zone, the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational planning.
While the Ukrainians’ initial attack was carefully planned, it succeeded far beyond their original goals, and they now have a more ad hoc strategy that has taken advantage of Russia’s slow and disjointed response, officials said.
Frederick B. Hodges, a retired lieutenant general and former top U.S. Army commander in Europe, said some of Ukraine’s success had resulted from Russia’s “confused and ineffective” military command and control structure. For one thing, he said, two different national security entities run Russia’s military operations.
In eastern Ukraine, where Russia has been making slow gains, the Russian military’s general staff is in charge. But the F.S.B. — Russia’s security agency and the successor to the K.G.B. — is responsible for the response to the Ukrainian incursion.
General Hodges said the rivalries within the Russian security ranks were made clear last year after the short-lived mutiny against President Vladimir V. Putin. “I don’t imagine that the general staff is in a hurry to divert forces to help F.S.B. leadership,” he said.
Russia’s logistics and supply issues have also aided Ukraine.
Russia most likely needs 15 to 20 brigades — at least 50,000 troops — to push Ukraine out of Kursk, officials said, and has nowhere near that number of forces there now. The Russian defense minister, Andrei R. Belousov, said this week that a new coordinating body was “already” working around the clock to figure out how new groupings of Russian troops might counterattack in Kursk.
“It’s had a shocking effect on the Russians,” Gen. Christopher G. Cavoli, NATO’s top military commander, said last week at the Council on Foreign Relations. “They’re shocked by it. That won’t persist forever. They’ll gather themselves together and react accordingly.”
Ukraine’s offensive so far has captured several settlements and one town in Russia, but it has yet to fulfill a key goal: drawing significant numbers of Russian units from eastern Ukraine.
Russia has sent mostly reserve units and troops from areas in southern and northeastern Ukraine that are not part of Moscow’s main thrust toward the city of Pokrovsk.
The U.S. defense secretary, Lloyd J. Austin III, spoke to his Ukrainian counterpart, Rustem Umerov, on Friday — the second time in five days — about the offensive’s objectives. American officials insist they received no warning from Ukraine that it was going to launch a surprise attack.
“When it comes to Kursk, we have an understanding, from what President Zelensky laid out, that they want to create a buffer zone,” Sabrina Singh, the deputy Pentagon press secretary, told reporters on Thursday. “We are still working with Ukraine on how that fits into their strategic objectives on the battlefield itself.”
“Is their intention to continue to hold?” Ms. Singh said, adding: “How large are they going to expand? These are some of the questions that we’re asking.”
Asked earlier in the week if Mr. Austin had voiced concern about Ukrainian forces being stretched too thin along the 600-mile front line, Ms. Singh said, “Of course being stretched on the battlefield is something that the secretary discussed.”
In the days after the offensive, the United States and Britain have provided Ukraine with satellite imagery and other information about the Kursk region — not to help Ukraine push deeper into Russia, but to allow its commanders to better track Russian reinforcements that might attack them or cut off their eventual withdrawal back to Ukraine, according to two officials.
Some American officials say that the more land Ukraine tries to take in western Russia, the greater the risk of overextending its supply lines and air defense umbrella. And pushing more forces into Kursk creates weaknesses along the front lines in eastern Ukraine, especially in the Donbas region, where its forces are facing an intense Russian assault.
“Ukraine has expanded the front line, which carries a certain risk in that it requires more personnel and equipment to hold that line — which in turn might deplete some other part of the front or, more likely, reduce their available reserves,” said James Rands, an analyst with the British security intelligence firm Janes.
Ironically, American military officials say that with the Kursk offensive, Ukraine has finally managed to show that it knows how to conduct “combined arms” maneuvering — synchronized attacks by infantry, armor and artillery forces. During Ukraine’s failed counteroffensive a year ago, its forces struggled with combined arms, despite months of training.
“The administration appreciates the risk the Ukrainians took, and are sufficiently impressed at the command and control and coordination that they displayed,” said Evelyn Farkas, the former top Pentagon official for Ukraine in the Obama administration.
Eric Schmitt is a national security correspondent for The Times, focusing on U.S. military affairs and counterterrorism issues overseas, topics he has reported on for more than three decades. More about Eric Schmitt
Helene Cooper is a Pentagon correspondent. She was previously an editor, diplomatic correspondent and White House correspondent. More about Helene Cooper
Julian E. Barnes covers the U.S. intelligence agencies and international security matters for The Times. He has written about security issues for more than two decades. More about Julian E. Barnes
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Samsasi | | Kopš: 01. Nov 2014
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| Lafter, ko tavi avoti saka, kas notiek ar aplenkto vati? | Offline | | |
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Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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| Kādu brīdi domāju kur likt. Šeit vai sporta topic.
Izlēmu - tomēr Ukraina.
Usika tikšanās ar Zelenski. Pie viena patroļļoja savu resno draugu
Intervijas ar kurskas apgabala iezemiešiem
Uzbrukums- neveiksmīgs gan. Taču skati iespaidīgi
AASM-250 vs vates hāta
Vatņika kulminācija[ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 25 Aug 2024, 16:52:11 ]
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Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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25 Aug 2024, 15:26:36 @Samsasi rakstīja:
Lafter, ko tavi avoti saka, kas notiek ar aplenkto vati?
Par Volčansku?
Nu pagaidām nekas tāds. Viņi ir nobloķēti. Ja nemaldos samērā nesen - Časiv Jarà tāda bloķèta grupa eksistēja mēnesi. Arī bija kaut kādā rūpnīcu kompleksā bloķēti.
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Samsasi | | Kopš: 01. Nov 2014
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| Kurskas apgabalā, kur tos 3 tiltus uz mauca gaisā | Offline | | |
Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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25 Aug 2024, 15:48:37 @Samsasi rakstīja:
Kurskas apgabalā, kur tos 3 tiltus uz mauca gaisā
Viņi jau ir aplenkto nosacīti. Tā apgāde jau notiek- hersonas variants. Tikai tur varēja aizbēgt. Šeit nevar, taču laivas utt joprojām ir. Ar katru dienu grūtāk viņiem ir un būs. Taču vēl cīnās.
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Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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| 7.62 vs ķivere. Tests
Normāla metode
Orka izgaisa [ Šo ziņu laboja Lafter, 25 Aug 2024, 22:11:56 ]
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kkas | | Kopš: 22. Apr 2008
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| atveda un nolika veselu artilērijas lādiņu. nav tā ka viņš būtu baigi viegls. ukr izdoma miskastes maisos liek un met lejā. kā koka stubra gabalus | Offline | | |
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| Uzsita orku uz mēnesi | Offline | | |
Corey | | Kopš: 18. Aug 2008
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| Kāpēc ukr atkāpjoties neatstāj kādu masīvāku lādiņu ap 300-500kg apraktu? Teorētiski baigi labs variants | Offline | | |
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| Teorētiski , kara dinamikā, Tu nezini vai rīt nenāksi pats atpakaļ uz to vietu, kur kaut ko ieraki šodien . Bet nu es šaubos, ka valsts ar tādu partizānu kustības vēsturi, nemīnētu un nespridzinātu visu ko vien var pie atkāpšanās | Offline | | |
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| Savu zemi čakarēt tomēr kaut kā dīvaini. Vienīgi pilnīgā izmisuma režīmā. Pat ja ļoti labi zinātu, kur ko ierok, pēc tam to visu satīrīt tāpat maksā. | Offline | | |
Corey | | Kopš: 18. Aug 2008
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| Es nedomāju kaut kur mežos sarakt. Sarakt stratēģiskos punktos,kuriem garām būs jānāk ienaidniekam. Redzēts,ka orki ieņem lielākas ēkas,izmanto kā kazarmas. Nebūtu sūdīgi,ja tur būtu pārsimts kg nolikti. | Offline | | |
Lafter | | Kopš: 23. Sep 2007
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26 Aug 2024, 17:24:17 @Corey rakstīja:
Es nedomāju kaut kur mežos sarakt. Sarakt stratēģiskos punktos,kuriem garām būs jānāk ienaidniekam. Redzēts,ka orki ieņem lielākas ēkas,izmanto kā kazarmas. Nebūtu sūdīgi,ja tur būtu pārsimts kg nolikti.
To abas puses dara jau labu laiku. Plašàk cik atceros bahmutā tāda prakse tika pielietota. Ieiej piecstāvenē. Un kaboom. Nav vairs hātas.
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